Thursday, October 6, 2011

蘋果日報: 政府用我們的錢洗我們的腦

 
司法机關為什麼裝聾做啞, 視若無睹?



蘋論:自費洗腦

國民黨與馬總統大選的核心議題就是兩岸政策,那也是民進黨主攻的標靶,陸委會就成為敵前司令部。兩岸政策若遭民進黨攻破,馬的連任就很悲觀了。因此,陸委會明年度編列1億餘元作為宣傳費,是98年度的10倍。陸委會可能否認是競選宣傳,但選前多出10倍,不讓人合理懷疑嗎?

應由國民黨來付費

作為納稅人,應該不會苟同這麼高額的宣傳費。向誰宣傳呢?國際嗎?中國嗎?不是;是向選民宣傳。絕大多數的選民也是納稅人,變成我們納稅給政府向我們宣傳。很荒謬。說得難聽點,是政府用我們的錢洗我們的腦。這在民主國家中很罕見。這筆錢應該由國民黨支出才對,是國民黨競選,不是政府競選。 
由國庫支出一個黨的競選宣傳是非常不公平的,要不然國庫也應該補助民進黨宣傳他們的兩岸政策,就像選票補助,一視同仁。 

Friday, August 19, 2011

「笑而不答」的總統 是沒有羞恥心的總統
不追問笑而不答總統的記者 是没有職業良心的記者
能夠接受 沒有羞恥心的總統和没有職業良心的記者的人民是道德敗壞的人民

 
你相信嗎? Google News - Taiwan on 2011/08/19 has no trace of the 永久屋 except hidden under 東森新聞的報導: 遇敏感問題 馬英九最愛「笑而不答」.
那裏是什麼 馬英九最愛「笑而不答」? 他只是逃避問題罷了!

台灣人不但
最愛「笑而不答」的總統, 台灣人也能接受不追問笑而不答總統的記者. 

「笑而不答」的總統 是沒有羞恥心的總統.
不追問笑而不答總統的記者 是没有職業良心的記者
能夠接受 沒有羞恥心的總統和没有職業良心的記者的人民是道德敗壞的人民.

看下面這個聯合報的標題: 泰武永久屋造假 綠批馬總統演戲.
只有綠人批評馬英九造假嗎?  中國國民黨人不認為馬英九造假嗎?  或者認為馬英九雖然造假, 又有什麼大不了?

一個文明國家如美國日本會容忍這樣的領導人和報紙嗎?

人民最大黨推「八鳳九龍」 擬邀陳致中或黃睿靚代表參選

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Friday, August 12, 2011

表面上: 中央通訊社是 全民買單的 國家通訊社
實際上: 它是 中國國民黨不用付費的 洗腦機 VII

 
一個國家通訊社, 應儘本份做翔實的報導. 不應做中國國民黨的洗腦機:
  • 說什麼
    政府開放大陸觀光客到台灣自由行成效卓著
    成效卓著是事實嗎? 有什麼根據?
  • 為什麼中央社不甪中國的國名 中國 來稱呼中國?  為什麼堅持稱 中國 為 大陸?  台灣的大陸 mainland 是台灣, 不是中國! 

紐約時報:自由行衝擊陸客思維

紐時:自由行衝擊陸客思維
放大照片
(中央社記者江今葉紐約11日專電)政府開放大陸觀光客到台灣自由行成效卓著,連「紐約時報」也注意到。紐時認為,隨著越來越多陸客到台灣旅遊,增加對台灣的了解,也給了陸客另一個思考空間。

儘管國際上仍有法國面臨評等遭降、英國暴動、索馬利亞飢荒等重大議題,但紐約時報今天在4版國際版以頭條轉版,近乎一整頁版面方式,大篇幅報導大陸觀光客到台灣旅遊專題。紐時記者為了解實際情況,跟著一群北京觀光客在台灣跑了4天,寫下這篇報導。
報導指出,隨著總統馬英九在2008年執政後,台海兩岸經貿往來大幅擴大,直航協議的簽訂,讓兩岸門戶大開,居民更容易往來兩地,光是去年就有160萬大陸居民到台灣旅遊,比前一年大幅成長近70%,為台灣經濟貢獻約30億美元,對GDP貢獻約0.72個百分點。
經濟固然是兩岸發展的主要領域,但開放門戶更多的是在政治與思維上的激盪。北京希望促成長期分治的兩岸統一,台灣則期望能透過往來,將台灣的民主發展、言論自由介紹給大陸觀光客。
台灣大學教授林火旺接受訪問時表示,「看到誰都能批評政府、看到民主不必然帶來混亂,這是我們能影響大陸客的地方」。
是否真能影響陸客,紐時記者持保留態度,特別是來台的陸客,許多是中年人,一輩子都被灌輸國民黨是在美國支持下的中國叛徒,要影響他們確實不容易。
雖然開放陸客確實帶來一些問題,像是部分陸客不夠文明、沒有機會真正接觸台灣人,但這些觀光客晚上回到飯店,打開電視,看名嘴痛罵領導人,大多感到不可思議。另一個讓他們覺得驚訝的,則是碰到法輪功,畢竟法輪功在大陸是被禁的。
而讓大陸觀光客最覺得不可思議的,是多數的台灣居民並不真的希望與大陸統一,這也讓大陸觀光客有了重新思考的機會。過去堅定相信兩岸必須統一的他們,開始認為「是否統一,誰在乎呢?」1000811
(圖為台北101接待自由行陸客,中央社檔案照片)


As Chinese Visit Taiwan, the Cultural Influence Is Subdued

TAIPEI, Taiwan — As two dozen anxious Chinese travelers began their maiden voyage across the Taiwan Strait, their tour guide called an impromptu meeting in the airport departure lounge.

He warned them about littering, spitting, flooding hotel bathroom floors — and the local cuisine. “Our Taiwanese brothers do not like salt, oil and MSG the way we do,” the guide, Guo Xin, said with a sigh.
Then his voice grew serious, the way a coach might caution his team about the impending face-off with a deceptively courteous opponent. Do not talk about politics with the locals, he warned, say only positive things about Taiwan and China, and by all means avoid practitioners of Falun Gong, the spiritual group whose adherents roam freely on Taiwan but are regularly jailed on the mainland. “They will definitely try to talk to you,” he said. “When that happens, get away as fast as you can.”

And thus began the heavily chaperoned visit to Taiwan, the disputed island territory where Chiang Kai-shek and his Nationalist army fled in 1949 after losing the Chinese civil war to Mao’s Communist rebels.
The Republic of China and the People’s Republic of China, as they are formally known, may have never formally concluded hostilities, but relations have warmed rapidly since Taiwan’s 2008 election of President Ma Ying-jeou, who promptly broadened economic ties and signed accords on direct postal, shipping and air links. More momentous for citizens on both sides of the strait was the agreement that opened the door to group tours from the mainland.
Initially capped at 300 visitors a day, the numbers quickly soared. Last year 1.6 million mainlanders arrived here, up nearly 70 percent from 2009. During their tightly managed, all-inclusive eight-day visits, they still managed to pour $3 billion into Taiwan’s economy, an amount equal to 0.72 percent of the island’s gross domestic product, according to Alice Chyoug-Hwa Chen, a tourism bureau official in Taipei.
In June, another landmark agreement brought the first independent travelers to Taiwan, although restrictions — including limiting the option to the well-to-do from Beijing, Shanghai and Xiamen — have kept their numbers to just over 1,400 since the end of June. (Taiwanese have been allowed to work, study and invest in China for more than two decades.)
Economics are a key factor in the growing rapprochement, but the decision to open the door to greater contacts has also been inspired by politics and some wishful thinking on both sides. Beijing hopes to encourage a long-awaited reunification of the island and the mainland; Taiwanese leaders think exposing more mainlanders to the allures of democracy, free speech and some of Asia’s most scintillating television will erode popular support for any military operation to force unity — an option that Communist Party leaders have long held out should Taiwan embrace full, legal independence. For now, the island has de facto independence, but China claims it as a breakaway territory.
“By seeing that anyone here can criticize the government and by realizing that democracy does not bring chaos, there is a hope we can subtly influence mainlanders,” said Huo-Wang Lin, a philosophy professor at National Taiwan University and an occasional adviser to Mr. Ma.
Judging from four days of travel with the group from Beijing, it is not entirely clear how many hearts and minds were won over. Granted this was a tough audience, many of them middle-age party stalwarts bolstered by a lifetime of propaganda painting the Nationalists as traitorous lackeys of the United States who ran off with Chinese treasures.
“It’s hard to compare any place to Beijing, the home of emperors,” Li Guihong, 69, a retired government employee, said smugly after taking in the Taiwanese capital’s urban landscape, much of it dating from the 1970s and ’80s. “Our buildings are more modern and even their stinky tofu isn’t as good as ours.”
The derision runs both ways. Beyond local business owners pleased by the surge in tourist spending, many Taiwanese openly complain about the mainlanders’ seeming unfamiliarity with the notion of the indoor voice, a collective disdain for the single-file line and their insistence on asking complete strangers their incomes.
The media gleefully recount stories about mainland visitors’ carving their names into trees at a Buddhist temple or brawls between tour groups. Last month, one overly enthusiastic tourist slipped past the president’s bodyguards to embrace Mr. Ma during a public appearance.
Kao Hui-Ch’iao, 60, a volunteer at Taroko National Park, said she spent much of her time picking up the touring mainlanders’ cigarette butts or shouting at those who heeded nature’s call in full public view. “They think they know better and just don’t like following the rules,” she said with exasperation. “They just aren’t very civilized.”
Even as more than three million Chinese have marched across Taiwan since 2008, the arrangement has thus far yielded little interaction between visitors and locals. Part of the problem is that the rules of engagement put travelers through an exhausting gantlet of museums, monuments and jade shops with little free time to rub elbows with the locals. “The only Taiwanese I met here were the ones trying to sell me stuff,” said Lian Chan, 43, a building materials dealer who was with a group from southwest Yunnan Province.
The other problem is a palpable wariness on the part of many mainlanders. Even when the travelers from Beijing had opportunities to chat with local residents — including the Taiwanese guide assigned to their bus — they often engaged in pleasantries and rarely asked questions.
“You can’t blame them for being so closed and self-protected,” said the guide, David Wei, who entertained passengers on daily bus rides by stressing the commonalities between the two places: the clogged highways, the soaring real estate prices and the challenge of finding a perfectly marbled slab of pork.
Even if most mainlanders go home unconvinced about Taiwan’s culinary attributes, the place does seem to make its mark on some. Mr. Chan formed a compelling relationship with the television in his hotel room. The gyrating, minimally attired ladies on it during the wee hours were mesmerizing, he said, but so too was the sight of politicians taking combative questions from reporters. “They can throw their leaders out if they aren’t doing their job,” he said with amazement. “Our leaders would never allow that.”
Perhaps the most challenging moments were the inevitable encounters with members of Falun Gong, who pepper the sightseeing circuit and hand out literature that details their persecution by the Communist Party. At a memorial to Sun Yat-sen, the patriarch revered by both mainlanders and Taiwanese, dozens of devotees stake out the main entrance all day.
Shih Wen-cheng, 46, a construction worker in a yellow vest bearing Falun Gong’s central tenets, “truthfulness, compassion and forbearance,” said most mainlanders recoiled when he approached. A few, however, look both ways and stuff a pamphlet in their pockets. “Our goal is to make them realize the propaganda they’ve heard their whole lives is just that,” he said. “If we can convince one of them not to betray to the police a neighbor who practices Falun Gong, then we have achieved something.”
For many on the tour, the biggest surprise was learning that, contrary to what they had heard, most of the island’s 23 million residents are not exactly eager to merge with the mainland.
Just before boarding the plane at Beijing International Airport, Gao Guizhen, 59, a retired piano factory worker, dutifully offered the prevailing sentiment about Taiwan and China. “We are one,” she said.
By Day 4, she seemed to have second thoughts. Sitting away from the others as they awaited a train ride along Taiwan’s scenic coastline, she offered a metaphor about two feuding brothers. The elder, she said, runs off with the riches, leaving the younger impoverished and embittered. Decades later, when the bereft brother grows rich and the anger fades, the grandchildren are allowed to spend time together. They discover that they have some differences, but also that they share many things — including an utter lack of interest in keeping up the feud.
Asked to reflect on how the story relates to the prospect of Taiwanese independence, Ms. Gao, who endured a decade of suffering during the chaos of the Cultural Revolution, gave a throaty laugh. “Independence or no independence?” she asked. “To be honest, who cares?”

Tuesday, June 28, 2011

簡余晏: 花博 用你的錢買廣告來洗你的腦

 


/簡余晏

耗資135.91億元的花博終於結束,花謝以後,沒有了媒體購買及繽紛廣告,真相才要逐一顯現。

郝市府以「經濟效益」、「入場人數」宣稱花博「始無前例」的成功,但是,花博的經濟效益到底多少呢?這個數字跟月亮一樣,初一十五不一樣,而且像膨風水蛙會長大。

例如,4月11日花博閉幕日,宣稱總經濟效益高達188億;21日又成長到488億元,5月9日專案報告時,郝龍斌數字又變成經濟效益超過430億元,還出現新數字「淨效益」294億元,數字天花亂綴,好像小朋友編故事造句比賽。

但是,實際入市庫僅13億9287萬元,再用總支出135.91億元除以入場人次896萬3666人,一名遊客平均花費1516.23納稅錢,相當於連吃30次50元便當的經費,這還不包括各公務員轉挪來花博上班的人事成本!

一場博覽會為台灣留下什麼價值?為台北市留下什麼建設?移走1193棵又死掉170棵樹後,是一句「花開很漂亮」、「志工動員很感動」就夠嗎?花謝之後呢?

花謝以後,博覽會在大同、中山區留下一堆安全堪虞的「臨時展館」,荒謬的是根本沒加設停車場因應,展場功能連地方人士都不了解。

又例如,天使館臨時建物使用,原則以1年為限,但市府2010年1月20日卻與業者簽約九年,合作契約簽訂房地使用自博覽會營運日起至2020年4月25日止。而這些展館未來如何管理?經費何在?需要這些展館嗎?符合地方規畫與城市發展嗎?

過去半年,觸目所見是花博訊息大轟炸!走入書店,雜誌封面全部是花博全攻略,打開電視廣播,影藝明星逛花博好夯,但洗腦式訊息只針對台灣善良人民,東南亞、日本、海外則效益有限,因為花博本就是假國際的內銷產物!

市府以「大規模購買新聞與廣告文宣」舖天蓋地洗腦人民。從預算書看,單單掛了「花博」名目廣宣費用就高達四億元,其中國際宣傳0.7億元、國內宣傳 3.3億元。另外,列名觀傳局之下的廣告製播、大型活動宣傳及國際行銷等費用,又花了2.7億元!國際邀展、票務行銷、資金募集等及戶外看板文宣品等小型 宣傳,則也花費了1.3億元。

郝市府在「2010年花博電視議題行銷規畫及執行案」名目之下,給各新聞台的經費,多達2394萬9060元;另外,還有「2010年度花博電視宣傳 案」,更多達3350萬660元。各電視台新聞台能不看郝團隊面子嗎?其他不敢用「花博」名義而藏在「台北市政專題報導」的廣告數量更難以計數。

再來看看花博的人數政治學。

市府很自豪以896萬3666人次入園宣稱成功,但是,其中北市市民就占了26%,也就是說,每四名遊客即有一人是台北市民來捧場。

政府機關和財團的「動員」人數更多,部份學校甚至動員學生去看花博「第三次」,家長抗議不斷,老師因為帶去花博還可以記功獎,何樂不為。依2011年4月25日市府統計,全國學生有93萬413人次被老師動員帶來看花,其中臺北市高達44萬5389人次。

此外,市府宣稱有6%外籍遊客,然而,市這個數字是根據「目測」、「推估」而來,也就是說,外國觀光客很可能更少。

故宮平均約有18萬外籍人士來訪,若以這個訪客數來換算,那麼,171天花博展期應至少102萬人才對,但是,市府坦言外籍遊客可能僅有60萬人。

這個數字證明「國際花博」一點都不國際,135億元換來60萬觀光客,比故宮少一半,但從郝市長專案報告看來,市府衝數字就很滿意了,那在乎辦花博原來目的是海外行銷台灣?

花謝了,真相逐漸會出爐。以3.7億元打造的夢想館為例,場地面積竟只有3377平方公尺(1021坪),一坪造價36萬元,遠遠高於民間價格。離譜的是展館設計這麼小,每批只容35人進場,逼得大批民眾漏夜狂奔搶排隊。

這個館一天最高只能容納3705人,展期171天總計,則只有58萬9486人曾入場,依此計算,每個參觀夢想館者耗掉627元的建造費,這樣的資源分配、建造成本浪費得讓人心疼!

實際的情況如何呢?因為媒體宣傳必須漏夜短跑搶門票而出現類似「蛋塔效應」,然而,市府卻私下開方便門,開放特權人士免排隊可入夢想館,夢想館變成了特權館,而民眾仍老實地在苦苦排隊!

市府坦承花博已花費135.91億元(95.3億元中央與地方專用費+市府局處配合款27.48億元+花博AIPH權利金0.17億元+稅捐0.29億 元+中山足場毀約捐失0.21億+企業贊助13.8億元),當議員批判這簡直是「錢博」時,郝市長去年還爭辯反指議員錯算。怎麼市府現在才認了?原來只有 時間才能讓謊言現形!135億元可以讓北市學生免費營養午餐連吃七年!(註:一年約20億元),台北市要辦國際博覽會很好,但怎麼像阿舍凱子?

可怕的是:花博錢坑還在繼續砸錢,市府預算書顯示,2011年產發局要再編列11億元6460萬2640元,作後續園區的行銷廣告。

用你的錢買新聞廣告洗你的腦,透過大眾媒介召喚更多人進場,再以數字配合,花納稅錢請藝人造勢,愈來愈多媒體人進入郝團隊,大花納稅錢搞包裝就是媒體人回報社會的方式嗎?政治的本質是什麼?博覽會本質是什麼?人民需求什麼?花這麼多錢難道沒有排擠效應?

不產花的北市在花謝的冬天種花大舉行銷,正如同法蘭克福學派的擔憂,馬庫思認為,資本主義透過文化工業,提倡一種消費主義的意識形態,造成假需求,成為 一種社會控制的機制(頁27,文化消費作為一種操弄,《文化消費與日常生活》John Storey 張君玫譯,巨流2001)。當國家機制耗資135億元推動這場大消費後,花開時美得讓人難忘,但花謝後,社會改變了什麼?有沒有留下博覽會的價值?博覽會 的中心思想只是人數嗎?除了行銷還是行銷嗎?是膨風得誇張的各式「經濟效益」數字嗎?

志工們當然熱情感人,台灣人動員相挺也很無私,員工犧牲假期投入,藝文團體相挺,上述都是「人民」角色而非政府角色。煙火當然燦爛,這半年來,公務員集 體轉型成為迪士尼業者,公園封掉、馬路改道。但政府是受人民委託來改善人民生活,做長遠規畫建設,倡議進步概念啊!市府可曾問過市民要什麼?

花謝了,人走了,我們來想想,博覽會在我們這一代提倡什麼價值?是否曾堅持不砍樹,追求自然理念?城市是否曾堅持不破壞如林安泰古厝的歷史建築嗎?為何 古厝原味沒了反而搬來「浙江風情」水泥山?展場標榜的文創是否創造集體願景及城市主軸?十到二十天就換一批的花環保嗎?砍樹移花蓋天橋,用最高造價換來一 堆臨時建築,現在,135.91億元花光光,花謝了、喧擾後,讓我們想想人民得到什麼?人民需要的其實是什麼生活呢?

Tuesday, June 14, 2011

張燦鍙: 民調顯示50%以上民眾認為
政黨惡鬥是台灣最大危機

 
電話響了,
我: 你好, 我是 Luby.
對方: 我是XX民調公司.  想請教您認為台灣最大的危機是什麼.
我: 當然是 政黨惡鬥了!
如果一百個受訪者裏有五十個以上回答政黨惡鬥, 民調公司就得到50%以上民眾認為 政黨惡鬥是台灣最大危機這樣的結論.

民調公司不可能得到50%以上民眾 最喜歡吃恐龍肉的結論, 因為没有人吃過恐龍肉.   在上一個 post 政党惡斗是什麼東西?, 我已經指出民進黨没有能力同中國國民黨鬥, 所以政黨惡鬥在台灣不存在:
民進黨憑着什麼能跟中國國民黨鬥?
用黨產嗎? 用媒體嗎? 用司法迫害嗎? 用不公不義的監察權嗎? 在立法院發出微弱的聲音嗎?
不存在的政黨惡鬥變成大多數民眾眼中的最大危機 跟 没有人嘗過的恐龍肉變成台灣人最愛 有什麼兩樣?
 
讓我們回到台灣的現實.    電話又響了,
我: 你好, 我是 Luby.
對方: 我是XX民調公司.  想請教您認為台灣最大的危機是什麼.
我: 當然是 .....
我可能説
中國國民黨/中國共產黨
台灣的急速西藏化
不公不義的司法
...
但絕不可能說政黨惡鬥.  你呢?
花幾分鐘同大家分享好嗎?
結果在這裏 (總結, summary)
這裏 (列表, spreadsheet).


台灣民主的現狀、未來和願景    2011-06-07 11:19:59
張燦鍙
...
台灣當前的政治亂象:藍綠嚴重對立、社會不斷撕裂、政府持續空轉。歷次的民調也都顯示,有50%以上受訪民眾認為:「政黨惡鬥是台灣當前最大的危機」,幾年前,「經濟學人」雜誌曾評論:「政治文化是目前台灣最大的問題」。但是面對問題,卻不想探討原因,不想辦法解決,只是一味的迴避,一味的避談政治,我覺得這並不是正確的態度。正如法鼓山聖嚴法師所說:面對問題時,你要面對它、接受它、處理它、放下它。
就來面對它吧!...

Friday, June 10, 2011

政党惡斗是什麼東西?

 
明明是被不公不義的司法迫害, 陳水扁居然談什麼 政党惡斗.

我要請教任何人: 民進黨憑着什麼能跟中國國民黨鬥?

用黨產嗎? 用媒體嗎? 用司法迫害嗎? 用不公不義的監察權嗎? 在立法院發出微弱的聲音嗎?  Please tell me.

連台灣人的律師總統都被洗腦到能 跟隨著中國國民黨媒體胡言亂語, 說 政党惡鬥.  這証明台灣人巳經被洗腦到病入膏肓的地步.  憐的阿扁己經被關了942天.  讓我們祈禱: 迫害他的人早日受到報應.  
國務費案 陳水扁批政党惡斗

【多維新聞】台灣前總統陳水扁國務費案更一審,台灣高等法院10日開辯論庭。陳水扁在庭中說,首長特别費5月已除罪化,國務費身為最早的特别費,卻是唯一沒有被除罪化的案件,是政党惡斗。...
不相信台灣人被洗腦到病入膏肓的地步嗎?  下面是另一個例子:
台灣民主的現狀、未來和願景    2011-06-07

... 台灣從2000年以來的藍綠對抗,可以說是「撕裂的十年」、「民主倒退的十年」。台灣社會裡,充斥著感性熱情的選民,卻鮮少有理性參與的公民;政治人物整 日吵翻天,媒體名嘴以既定的立場推波助瀾,導致人民理盲又濫情討論問題前,要先分清楚顏色,台灣社會早已陷入「有立場沒是非、有黨派沒對錯」的極端對立。政黨的使命,貧乏得只剩下選舉;政客的目標,貧乏得只剩下選票;政治人物的歷史視野,貧乏得只看到2012年,國際視野,更是貧乏得只剩下對岸的中國。

台灣當前的政治亂象:藍綠嚴重對立、社會不斷撕裂、政府持續空轉。歷次的民調也都顯示,有50%以上受訪民眾認為:政黨惡鬥是台灣當前最大的危機」...
Who wrote this?  不是馬英九, 不是李濤, 不是楊志良.  Can you believe ... See https://groups.google.com/d/topic/i_love_taiwan/URGBB5GahRs/discussion

Tuesday, May 17, 2011

表面上: 中央通訊社是 全民買單的 國家通訊社
實際上: 它是 中國國民黨不用付費的 洗腦機 VI

Eager?  Who says?

US companies eager to invest in Taiwan because of ECFA: official
Focus Taiwan News Channel
2011/05/17 21:48:47
New York, May 16 (CNA) Companies in North America have been showing greater interest in investing in Taiwan since the signing of the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA) between Taiwan and China, an official said Monday.

Tso Heng, director of the Center for Economic Deregulation and Innovation under the Council for Economic Planning and Development (CEPD), said many of the corporations he has visited on his current trip to the U.S. have expressed strong interest in investing in Taiwan.

The ECFA was welcomed by many of the corporations, said Tso, who is leading a delegation of business representatives from Taiwan's renewable energy sector.

For example, he said, Italian solar panel maker MX Solar is paying close attention to developments in the wake of the ECFA signing and is looking for possible investment opportunities in Taiwan.

CEPD Vice Chairman San Gee, who is leading a group of representatives from Taiwan's creative industry, said people at the MTV network think highly of Taiwan's human capital and technology in the entertainment industry and are interested in investing in Taiwan.

San said with the ECFA in place, there is no limit on the number of Taiwan films that can enter China. This could give Taiwan an edge to attract foreign film investors, he added.

Meanwhile, CEPD Minister Christina Liu said the U.S.-based satellite messaging service provider Orbcomm has agreed to sign a memorandum of understanding with Taiwan on strategic alliances with companies such as Chunghwa Telecom and Evergreen Marine Corp., Taiwan's largest shipping company.

The Taiwan delegation of government officials and business representatives is on a five-day visit to the U.S. as part of the government's efforts to attract more overseas investments.

The delegation is scheduled to visit several corporations in New York, San Francisco, and Los Angeles to promote Taiwan's biomedicine, health care, and creative industries, as well as the sectors that deal with digital content, green energy, electric cars, high technology, and land development. (By Leaf Chiang and Ann Chen) enditem /pc

Thursday, May 5, 2011

中國評論:黃越綏搭蔡丁貴選2012 II

一個讀者的反應:
中評社的報導並非空穴來風。 日前黃越綏在電話上親口要求我支持她選總統,而且要公開站出來挺她。我正為此事傷腦筋。 我當時沒問她副手是誰,後來接到此中評社的報導,才知是蔡丁貴。 我發信給大家後蔡丁貴有回信給我說報導中有關他的部分有誤,但沒說是那部分有誤。黃越綏當時在電話上要求我要保密,所以我沒講。直到後來有人傳來中評社的報導,我才藉機廣傳,目的是讓大家知道此事,以便儘早因應。
這讀者提供的事証並沒有冼刷 中評社文章沒有事証, 不是報導的惡行.

請問, 下面這話是報導嗎?
據了解,“黃蔡配”競選2012意在宣揚台灣是主權國家,宣傳理念性質大

民進黨黨內“總統”初選,前主席許信良雖明知沒有出線機會,仍向友人借新台幣500萬元投入初選,將自己的政治主張及過去冤屈一吐而盡,各界鹹認,許信良的500萬元花得很值得值回票價。黃越綏是否循許信良模式,值得觀察
好, 我也來寫一個中國評論模式的報導
各界鹹認,中國共產黨利用中國評論來達到台灣人輸掉 2012 大選的目的.
中國評論的説理其實很清楚:  因為黃越綏和蔡丁貴主要是要宣傳理念, 不是真正要選舉, 對蔡英文是不會有什麼影響, 台灣人不必担心.  黃越綏和蔡丁貴應該循許信良模式來將自己的政治主張及過去冤屈一吐而盡.  這很值得值回票價.

這使我想起楊秋興?  汝今安在哉?

中國評論:黃越綏搭蔡丁貴選2012

 
中國評論下面這篇文章是新聞報導嗎?
新聞報導可以完全沒有任何事實佐證, 只放一些廢話像:
傳出, 相關人士,  本來, 可能, ...
嗎?

有中國評論這樣的國家媒體, 會有可尊敬的國民嗎?

獨派出擊?傳黃越綏搭蔡丁貴選2012

中國評論 - ‎2011年5月2日‎
中評社台北5月3日電(記者 鄒麗泳)台北政壇傳出,前“總統府國策顧問”黃越綏將參選2012,綠營相關人士上午受訪時指出,黃越綏醞釀選“總統”已有一段時日,其搭配副手人選為公投護台灣聯盟總召蔡丁貴。 據了解,“黃蔡配”競選2012意在宣揚台灣是主權國家,宣傳理念性質大

民進黨黨內“總統”初選,前主席許信良雖明知沒有出線機會,仍向友人借新台幣500萬元投入初選,將自己的政治主張及過去冤屈一吐而盡,各界鹹認,許信良的500萬元花得很值得、值回票價。黃越綏是否循許信良模式,值得觀察。

黃越綏是台灣知名電視名嘴,口才便給,中評社上午試圖與黃越綏連絡,但手機無人接

黃越綏是陳水扁“一邊一國連線”的前任總召,目前已辭去該職務。

台灣《蘋果日報》報導,黃越綏三月曾與扁子陳致中到北監探扁,黃告訴扁將辭“一邊一國”總召參選“總統”,扁勸退她以免影響民進黨選情。

相關人士說,黃越綏可能找公投護台灣聯盟總召蔡丁貴為副手,兩人搭檔參選。至於,參選時機本來預定在秋天左右,傳出5月9日參選,相關人士說沒聽說不了解進一步狀況。

蔡英文辦公室發言人徐佳青推崇黃越綏處處展現愛台灣與顧全大局作風,不希望參選一事是真的。

依據台灣“總統”“副總統”選舉罷免法“規定,若非政黨推薦(獨立候選人),須達到連署門檻,其門檻是2008年“立委”選舉的選舉人數1.5%,即25萬7695人,還要交連署保證金新台幣100萬元。

Wednesday, April 6, 2011

表面上: 中央通訊社是 全民買單的 國家通訊社
實際上: 它是 中國國民黨不用付費的 洗腦機 V

 
請先觀賞

14分鐘的歷史影片: 馬英九在反國光石化 萬眾前接受怒罵

然後看中央社如何稱讚馬英九的英勇:
總統不畏懼 (undaunted) 抗議者故意找他麻煩 (heckling)
中央社是一個國家通訊社, 它憑什麼在新聞報導 中加進
總統不畏懼 (undaunted)

故意找麻煩的抗議者 (heckling)
這樣的評論和偏見?

中央社的新聞報導 如下:

Talk of the Day -- President undaunted by protesters' hecklingFocus Taiwan News Channel
President Ma Ying-jeou was heckled by opponents of the controversial Kuokuang petrochemical project while attending a lunch organized by anti-Kuokuang advocacy groups in central Taiwan's Changhua County on Sunday. Ma was forced to abandon his speech ...

Saturday, March 12, 2011

留德博士劉明德: 英語是魔鬼+垃圾

 
英語是魔鬼+垃圾 其實是他出版的一本書的書名. 
為什麼 英語是魔鬼+垃圾?

Here are hints:

p139: 我們漢民族.... 人類..最重要的發明..都是源自我們的祖先.
p140: 如果沒有我們的祖先發明的羅盤...哥倫布也無法發現美洲大陸.
...火藥... 印刷術...
如果沒有我們的祖先發明的風箏...美國人萊特兄弟可能永遠都無法進行歷史性的飛行.
p140:
我們的漢字是世界上最神奇最奧妙的文字.
我們的漢語是世界上最美妙的語言.
我們漢民族是世界上最偉大的民族.
然而, 今天漢民族的子孫竟然淪落到主動要去...學人家的語言

我們漢民族是世界上最偉大的民族.  那麼有些民族就沒有漢民族偉大了.  是那些?  猶太人嗎, 德國人嗎?  印度人嗎?  留德博士劉明德公然鼓吹種族歧視或種族優越感嗎?

假如劉明德生為一個日本人或泰國人, 他仍會覺得漢民族是世界上最偉大的民族嗎?   當一個人不幸生為瑞典人, 他應當終生悔恨不是漢人嗎?
今天漢民族的子孫竟然淪落到主動要去...學人家的語言 
豈止學人家的語言.  我們也淪落到學人家用電, 用電燈, 用電腦, 開汽車, 坐飛機.  有骨氣的漢人應拒絕用電, 不坐車, 絕不坐飛機.

豈止學人家的語言.  我們也淪落到學他們的物理, 化學, 數學.  有骨氣的漢人應拒念物理, 化學, 數學.

漢民族是世界上最偉大的民族嗎?  看看下面這個新聞.  他們以前慶祝 911, 現在慶祝日本大地震. 


王華大難當頭誰來救我
大紀元 

就在全球為之悲哀的同時中國大陸網站上卻出現了 熱烈慶祝日本地震 之類留言光 百度上的跟貼就數百萬條真不知當災禍降臨幸災樂禍者身上時他們會做何感想...



央廣拿台灣人的錢來洗台灣人的腦

用台灣人的錢營運的央廣,
央廣簡介
財團法人中央廣播電台是中華民國的國家廣播電台 ...
在日本大地震的隔日: 2010-03-12, 有下面的網上新聞:
央廣: 日外相對25國及地區提出援助要求
援助要求的日文附在下面.
日本新任外務大臣松本剛在11日晚間的記者會上表示,受到日本東北地方芮氏8.9強震影響,目前 已造成各地出現重大災情及人員死傷,他已在日本時間11日晚間9時(台灣時間11日晚間8時)左右,向美國、中國大陸、及俄羅斯25個國家和地區,提出 救災援助、運送緊急物資等要求。
為什麼名列第七的中国要改列第二, 而翻成 中國大陸? 中國大陸不是國名.  
日外相提到的25個國家是 
 米国、台湾、韓国、メキシコ、オーストラリア、タイ、中国、ニュージーランド、イスラエル、ロシア、ドイツ、シンガポール、インド、インドネシア、トルコ、アゼルバイジャン、フランス、ベルギー、ウクライナ、スロ バキア、UAE、スイス、ハンガリー、ポーランド、ヨルダン
央廣的國家不是名列第二名的台灣嗎?  為什麼自己的國家跳過不提?
向美國、中國大陸、及俄羅斯25個國家和地區,提出 救災援助、運送緊急物資等要求。

從上面這段報導, 讀者能知道台灣是不是25國之一嗎?

松本大臣記者会見記録(要旨

また、支援の申し出ということで、既に相当数の・地域からいただいております。これまでに米国、台湾、韓国、メキシコ、オーストラリア、タイ、中国、 ニュージーランド、イスラエル、ロシア、ドイツ、シンガポール、インド、インドネシア、トルコ、アゼルバイジャン、フランス、ベルギー、ウクライナ、スロ バキア、UAE、スイス、ハンガリー、ポーランド、ヨルダン(21:00現在)といった国々・地域から支援を行う用意があるとの申し出をいただいておりま す。こうした支援の申し入れについては官邸の緊急災害対策本部に情報を提供しておりますし、外務省からこの対策本部にも連絡、リエゾンを含めて行っても らっておりまして、今後各地の被害状況等に応じて、関係省庁や地方自治体とも協議して、具体的な検討に入っていきたいと思っております。
 

Sunday, February 6, 2011

阿明解釋為什麼台灣人不知道 埃及是圓是扁
因為電視報紙 不報埃及 報正妹

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阿明喜歡看正妹.但是正妹不是新聞吧

2/6/11: In Taiwan, you frequently see these reports on hot girls (正妹) on TV news channels, some (東森新聞) more than others. How is this news? I ...

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Militants, Women and Tahrir Sq.


When Westerners watched television images of the popular uprising against President Hosni Mubarak of Egypt, they winced at the government’s thuggery toward protesters. But some also flinched at the idea of a popular democracy that might give greater voice to Islamic fundamentalism.

In 1979, a grass-roots uprising in Iran led to an undemocratic regime that oppresses women and minorities and destabilizes the region. In 1989, uprisings in Eastern Europe led to the rise of stable democracies. So if Egyptian protesters overcome the government, would this be 1979 or 1989?

No one can predict with certainty. But let me try to offer a dose of reassurance.

After spending last week here on Tahrir Square, talking to protesters — even as President Mubarak’s thugs attacked our perimeter with bricks, Molotov cocktails, machetes and occasional gunfire — I emerge struck by the moderation and tolerance of most protesters.

Maybe my judgment is skewed because pro-Mubarak thugs tried to hunt down journalists, leading some of us to be stabbed, beaten and arrested — and forcing me to abandon hotel rooms and sneak with heart racing around mobs carrying clubs with nails embedded in them. The place I felt safest was Tahrir Square — “free Egypt,” in the protesters’ lexicon — where I could pull out a camera and notebook and ask anybody any question.

I constantly asked women and Coptic Christians whether a democratic Egypt might end up a more oppressive country. They invariably said no — and looked so reproachfully at me for doubting democracy that I sometimes retreated in embarrassment.

“If there is a democracy, we will not allow our rights to be taken away from us,” Sherine, a university professor, told me (I’m not using full names to protect the protesters). Like many, she said that Americans were too obsessed with the possibility of the fundamentalist Muslim Brotherhood gaining power in elections.

“We do not worry about the Muslim Brotherhood,” Sherine said. “They might win 25 percent of the votes, but if they do not perform then they will not get votes the next time.”

Sherine has a point. Partly because of Western anxieties, fundamentalist Muslims have rarely run anything — so instead they lead the way in denouncing the corruption, incompetence and brutality of pro-Western autocrats like Mr. Mubarak. The upshot is that they win respect from many ordinary citizens, but my hunch is that they would lose support if they actually tried to administer anything.

For example, in 1990s Yemen, an Islamic party named Islah became part of a coalition government after doing well in elections. As a result, Islah was put in charge of the Education Ministry. Secular Yemenis and outsiders were aghast that fundamentalists might brainwash children, but the Islamists mostly proved that they were incompetent at governing. In the next election, their support tumbled.

It’s true that one of the most common protester slogans described Mr. Mubarak as a stooge of America, and many Egyptians chafe at what they see as a supine foreign policy. I saw one caricature of Mr. Mubarak with a Star of David on his forehead and, separately, a sign declaring: “Tell him in Hebrew, and then he might get the message!” Yet most people sounded pragmatic, favoring continued peace with Israel while also more outspoken support for Palestinians, especially those suffering in Gaza.

I asked an old friend here in Cairo, a woman with Western tastes that include an occasional glass of whiskey, whether the Muslim Brotherhood might be bad for peace. She thought for a moment and said: “Yes, possibly. But, from my point of view, in America the Republican Party is bad for peace as well.”

If democracy gains in the Middle East, there will be some demagogues, nationalists and jingoists, just as there are in America and Israel, and they may make diplomacy more complicated. But remember that it’s Mr. Mubarak’s repression, imprisonment and torture that nurtured angry extremists like Ayman al-Zawahri of Al Qaeda, the right-hand man of Osama bin Laden. It would be tragic if we let our anxieties impede our embrace of freedom and democracy in the world’s most populous Arab nation.

I’m so deeply moved by the grit that Egyptians have shown in struggling against the regime — and by the help that some provided me, at great personal risk, in protecting me from thugs dispatched by America’s ally. Let’s show some faith in the democratic ideals for which these Egyptians are risking their lives.

I think of Hamdi, a businessman who looked pained when I asked whether Egyptian democracy might lead to oppression or to upheavals with Israel or the price of oil. “The Middle East is not only for oil,” he reminded me. “We are human beings, exactly like you people.”

“We don’t hate the American people,” he added. “They are pioneers. We want to be like them. Is that a crime?”